TEACHING THE VIETNAM WAR – A READING ABOUT THE POLITICAL OPPOSITION TO NGÔ ĐÌNH DIỆM IN THE REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM

This is my last post (at least for a while) drawn from my syllabus for my course on the Vietnam War. (See the full sample syllabus here and here for more detail.)

Below is the journal prompt and readings about the opposition to Ngô Đình Diệm that I assign for week 6. Following that is my original translation of the Caravelle Manifesto, an open letter from eighteen prominent opposition figures calling upon Diệm to change his policies. The translation was first published as part of my article, “Will the Real Caravelle Manifesto Please Stand Up? A Critique and a New Translation” in the Journal of Vietnamese Studies. I have not posted A Vietcong Memoir due to copyright issues, and the program of the National Liberation Front is widely available on the internet.

SAMPLE READING: THE CARAVELLE MANIFESTO

Saigon, 26 April 1960

To the President of the Republic of Vietnam

Saigon

Dear Mr. President,

            We, the undersigned, represent a group of eminent personages, learned men, and intellectuals of all tendencies and full of goodwill.[1] We recognize the danger of the current situation and cannot remain indifferent to the survival of our homeland; therefore, we are seeking an audience with you today in order to present the truth, in hopes that the government will take heed and quickly reform, thereby saving the situation and delivering our nation from peril and misery.

            Let us recall [the past] when you were wandering overseas. During some eight or nine years, the entire Vietnamese people endured countless suffering from the destruction and violence of war, from French colonialism followed by Japanese occupation, from revolution then resistance,[2] from communism concealed behind the façade of bogus nationalism[3] to colonialism hiding under the cover of false independence,[4] from this terror to that one, one sacrifice after another – a string of promises until all hope turned into despair.

            Therefore, when you were about to return to the country, the entire people hoped and longed that under your leadership they would be able to live a secure life in order to earn their livelihood, to rebuild crumbling homes and reclaim abandoned fields, that they would no longer have to live under the Chu by day and the Qi by night,[5] arrested by one side and rounded up by the other, bullied by different factions or beaten by village strongmen, that they would not have to serve as coolies and perform corvée labor,[6] not be exploited by monopolies, and not be intimidated by corrupt, venal, and predatory officials. In short, they longed to enjoy a life with a little bit of security under a regime with a little bit of justice and freedom. The entire people hoped that you would be the man for the task and realize those hopes and desires.

            Then you returned. The Geneva Agreement of 1954 led to a ceasefire and ended the misery of war. The French Expeditionary Corps eventually departed, which made the complete independence of the South an actuality. In addition, there was the moral support and a massive increase in aid from the Free World. With so many exceedingly favorable factors, combined with the advantageous geography of a rich and fertile land [that produces] agricultural, forestry, and fishery surpluses for export, the South would most definitely prevail in the historical competition against the North, win over the hearts of the people, and lead the nation to a bright place of freedom and happiness.

            Now, nearly six years later, with such undeniably vital advantages, what has the government accomplished, where has it led the South, and has the government satisfied in part the hopes and desires of the people? We will offer an objective, detailed assessment, with neither flattery and favor nor slander and aspersions, in accordance with the constructive spirit that you, Sir, have often advocated, in hopes that the government will mend its ways and thereby save a situation that is extremely critical for the survival of the homeland.

POLITICS

            Despite the overthrow of an illegitimate regime that was formed and protected by colonialism[7] and the destruction of the sects’ feudal organizations, the people do not enjoy greater security or freedom under the republican regime that has been created. A constitution that exists only in form; a national assembly that always tends in the same direction; elections that are anti-democratic – all of which are ruses and machinations [practiced by] the dictatorial communists – have made it so that the people cannot help but make comparisons.[8] Continuous arrests have made the jails more crowded now than ever before; public opinion has been muffled; the press has lost its freedom; and even the will of the people as manifested in open elections has been scorned and trampled upon, most recently during the elections for the second National Assembly[9] – [witnessing all this,] the people cannot help but feel discouraged. The sect parties[10] were destroyed only to be replaced by “organizations” and “movements” that oppressed the people instead of protecting them from the communists.[11] Here is the proof: sectarian areas that were once deadly ground for the communists have become insecure and are now the guerilla zones of the Việt Minh just like other areas, which shows that the sect organizations may have been feudal but were nonetheless effective anticommunist elements. Annihilating those elements has cleared the way for the Việt Cộng, thus inadvertently lending a hand to the enemy, thus opening the gate for the communists. A more adroit government would have retained and coordinated with the sects to enhance its strategy for eliminating communism.

The people are thirsting for freedom at this moment. Sir, you should loosen the government, expand democracy, promulgate minimum civil rights, and recognize the opposition so that the people can express themselves, so that indignation and resentment will be no more, so that the population of the South will see the value of genuine freedom and democracy in comparison to the North. Only then will they strive and make sacrifices to protect that freedom and democracy.

ADMINISTRATION

            The territory has been reduced in size and the number of civil services has increased yet the pace of work is stagnant because the government has followed the model set by the communists in using political parties to control the state, dividing those of high and low ranks and sowing distrust between those “in the movement” and those “not in the organization.” Individuals in positions of responsibility do not exercise actual authority, and orders emanate from origins unknown based on decisions made by members of the ruling family who occupy no official positions.[12] This stalls the administrative machinery, paralyzes initiative, and dampens goodwill at a time when not a month goes by without the press uncovering incidents of graft that cannot be concealed, millions upon millions [of piasters], one crooked official after another.[13]

            The administrative machinery has stalled to the point of paralysis and is in dire need of repair. Individuals must be placed in appropriate positions, discipline and hierarchy must be restored, and authority must be commensurate with [official] responsibility. Effectiveness, initiative, integrity, and economy should be the criteria for promotion. There must be respect for technical ability and a rejection of party and family favoritism. Those who take advantage of their official positions should be punished, and incidents of corruption and abuses of power must be brought out of the shadow and into the light. Only then will it be possible to save the situation, restore the people’s trust, and inspire faith in an enlightened and impartial government.

MILITARY

            The French army has withdrawn from our territory, and a republican army has been established and supplied with modern equipment thanks to American aid. The army is an organization that brings together proud, brave, and bright young men, who know only to respect honor and defend the fatherland with their blood and bones. Such an organization is not a place for factionalism and family favoritism. Yet the government has introduced into the army the partisan rule of “the movement” and “the Cần Lao,” sowing divisions among brothers-in-arms, creating distrust between comrades-of-war, and making party loyalty and pleasing superiors the criteria for promotion.[14] This has caused disastrous consequences, and the recent incident in Tây Ninh is but a small warning of the urgent danger.[15]

            The army is the pillar of homeland defense, both in repelling invasion and suppressing rebellions; it should serve the fatherland and the fatherland only and not any political party. The army is in urgent need of reorganization: [it is necessary to] eradicate factionalism and family favoritism among the ranks; rectify morale; establish a noble tradition of national customs; and make combat performance, the willingness to serve, and courage the criteria for advancement; so that the troops will respect their officers and officers will love their men, so as to eliminate all distrust, jealousy, and hatred between comrades. Only then will our country have in its hour of need a brave and vigorous army that is united in mind and spirit and who will protect the mountains and rivers of our precious land.

ECONOMY AND SOCIETY

            A fertile and abundant land that [produces] more than enough to feed and clothe our people; a budget that does not have to bear military costs; war reparations;[16] profit from government bonds; massive [foreign] aid; and a new market for many [foreign] allies full of goodwill and desirous of investing in commercial enterprises – these myriad favorable conditions could have transformed the South into a wealthy, prosperous place. Yet at present, the poor are unemployed and have neither money nor possessions, the paddies are full of rice that cannot be sold, and the markets are teeming with wares that no one purchases. All sources of revenue flow into the hands of a group of speculators who use parties and organizations to mask monopolies that serve their personal interests.[17] Meanwhile, tens of thousands of people have been mobilized and must endure toil and hardship. They have been forced to leave behind their work, [travel] far from their homes and fields and away from their parents, wives, and children; forced to take up a collective existence in order to build those pointless structures that are the agrovilles.[18] This [policy] has exhausted the people, undermined all popular support, increased hatred and resentment, and, most of all, created another opportunity for enemy propaganda.

            The economy is the foundation of society, and popular support ensures the longevity of a regime. The government must quickly remove all obstacles that impede economic development; abolish all forms of monopolies and speculation; welcome all investment from foreign friends as well as domestic [investors]; encourage commercial enterprises; develop industry; employ laborers so as to reduce unemployment; and at the same time cease all forms of corvée labor. Only then will the economy recover and the people live and work in peace; only then can society be swiftly rebuilt in an atmosphere of freedom and democracy.

Dear Mr. President,

            Perhaps this is the first time that you have heard such severe criticism, criticism that is unpleasant to your ears and contrary to your desire. But, Sir, these are all words of truth, a bitter truth that you have never heard because it has been intentionally or unintentionally suppressed by those around you, and because your lofty position itself prevents it from reaching you, until a day when that truth explodes in unstoppable waves of hatred and resentment, coming from a nation that has suffered too much and that rises up to break the fetters that have chained it and to sweep away the rot, corruption, and injustice that has exploited and oppressed it.

            It is precisely to prevent our country from living through such a dreadful adventure that we have come here today – without fear for the consequences that our action may bring upon us – to sound the alarm and raise a red flag in order to rouse the government.

            Until now, we have remained silent because we wanted to let the government act as it wished and organize at its own pace. But the situation is now critical, and at a time when “everyone must bear responsibility for the fate of the nation,” we feel that we have a duty, a duty to speak the truth, rouse public opinion, warn the people, and establish a [political] opposition so as to point the way for the government and urge it to quickly reform, so that the government can save the situation, protect the republic, and safeguard the future of the homeland. We hope for a bright tomorrow for our country, a tomorrow in which the Vietnamese nation will enjoy peace and prosperity in an atmosphere of freedom and progress.

Respectfully yours,

Notes

[1] The letter writers respectfully addressed Ngô Đình Diệm with the second person pronoun cụ, meaning “elder,” which they capitalized. For ease of reading, I have translated this pronoun as “you” and “Sir” and regularized the capitalization throughout the document.

[2] “from revolution then resistance”: the August Revolution followed by the the First Indochina War, known to the Vietnamese as the Anti-French Resistance (Kháng Chiến Chống Pháp)

[3] “communism concealed behind the façade of bogus nationalism”: The Democratic Republic of Vietnam initially downplayed its communist character in the mid-1940s and presented itself as broadly nationalist. The authors of the manifesto considered such action to be deceitful.

[4] “colonialism hiding under the cover of false independence”: The State of Vietnam. The authors of the manifesto implied that the State of Vietnam was little more than a fig leaf for continued colonial rule.

[5] “the Chu by day and the Qi by night”(sớm Sở tối Tề):The Chu (Sở) and the Qi (Tề) were rival states in ancient China during the Spring and Autumn period (770-c. 475 BC) and the Warring States period (c. 475-221 BC). The phrase describes the plight of people living in contested areas. During the First Indochina War, the French and State of Vietnam controlled some rural areas during the day, and the communist-led Democratic Republic of Vietnam controlled those same areas at night.

[6] The colonial-era term coolie refers to low-wage, unskilled workers. Corvée labor was obligatory, unpaid labor that the precolonial and colonial government forced its subjects to undertake.

[7] “an illegitimate regime that was formed and protected by colonialism”: The State of Vietnam.

[8] There are two possible ways of translating this sentence. The authors of the manifesto may have meant that the constitution, legislature, and elections of the Republic of Vietnam were all “ruses and machinations [practiced by] the dictatorial communists” or that the government employed all the “ruses and machinations [practiced by] the dictatorial communists,” including in its constitution, legislature, and elections.

[9] The Republic of Vietnam held its second elections for the National Assembly in August 1959. The regime rigged the elections in favor of its own candidates, but Phan Khắc Sửu and two other independent candidates managed to win in Saigon and the surrounding area. The government disqualified the other two and only seated Phan Khắc Sửu in the National Assembly.

[10] “Sect parties” (những chính đảng giáo phái): The political parties affiliated with the sects. This phrase can also be translated as “political parties and sects.” I believe “sect parties” is more accurate because the remainder of the paragraph focuses exclusively on the sects and makes no mention of non-sectarian political parties.

[11] “Organizations” (đoàn thể) and “movements” (phong trào) refer to groups within Ngô Đình Diệm’s political faction. In particular, “movements” is an allusion to the National Revolutionary Movement (Phong Trào Cách Mạng Quốc Gia), a mass party that helped carry out government policies and mobilized the population in support of the president. Civil servants were obligated to join the party, and many ordinary citizens became members to secure protection from harassment by local officials.

[12] “Members of the ruling family” (người quyền tộc) can be translated as plural or singular. I have opted for the plural form because Ngô Đình Diệm allowed several members of his family to exercise influence over the government. In particular, his brothers Ngô Đình Nhu and Ngô Đình Cẩn served as his political advisers but occupied no formal role within the cabinet or administration. Equally important, these brothers directed Diệm’s secret political party, the Cần Lao. They placed party members in key positions within the government and discreetly sent orders to their partisans. In contrast, government officials and civil servants who did not belong to the Cần Lao sometimes found that they enjoyed impressive titles without exercising real power.

[13] “crooked official” (hạm): Hạm was a colloquial term for government officials who committed graft or otherwise profited from their office. The press published a spate of sensational articles about corrupt officials between 1955 and 1957 and labeled the accused officials hạm.

[14] There was immense pressure on military officers to join the Cần Lao and the National Revolutionary Movement, which was secretly operated by the Cần Lao. According to rumor, advancement within the ranks was based on party loyalty rather than merit or seniority, and officers who declined to join either organization found themselves passed over for promotions.

[15] The communist insurgent attack on the headquarters of the 32nd regiment of the Army of the Republic of Vietnam in Trảng Sụp, Tây Ninh province, in January 1960. The event marked a major milestone as the first communist assault on a regiment-size unit of the regular army. Critics of the regime complained that the commanding officer at Trảng Sụp received his appointment based on political loyalty rather than merit and worried that continued favoritism in the military would weaken the regime’s defenses and leave the Republic of Vietnam vulnerable to attacks by the communists.

[16] Japan occupied Vietnam during WWII and later paid reparations to the Republic of Vietnam for damages inflicted on the country as a whole.

[17] The government allegedly granted special economic privileges to members of the Cần Lao, especially those who made financial contributions to the secret political party. Members received special import licenses or concessions to distribute certain commodities and were expected to siphon a portion of the profit back to the party. As a result, many businessmen joined Diệm’s political faction for economic opportunities, and Vietnamese-owned commercial activities often benefitted the Cần Lao financially. The authors of the manifesto described such licenses and concessions as monopolies because they often gave recipients exclusive economic rights.

[18] The agroville program was a government policy spearheaded in 1959 that aimed to regroup scattered villages in the Mekong delta into larger settlements known as agrovilles. Local authorities often forced peasants to leave their homes and perform compulsory labor on the construction of the agrovilles.

[19] Under the State of Vietnam, many governments featured a cabinet consisting of an upper tier of ministers (tổng trưởng) and a lower tier of secretaries (bộ trưởng). The translation reflects these tiers and provides the full name of certain positions that are abbreviated in the original. Historical documents from the Republic of Vietnam often misprinted diacritical marks, and I have corrected the marks on Phan Khắc Sửu and Trần Văn Đỗ’s names to reflect conventional Vietnamese orthography.